Impact of Brexit on EU Foreign Policy

Impact of Brexit on EU Foreign constitutionThe atomic number 63an sum of money leave alone face a new amiable of challenge with the exit of Britain the departure of one of its largest and most(prenominal) substantial subdivision states. No instalment states has yet made the decision to exit the European constitutional, so Brexit is a signifi grasst take in the history of Europe. The deviation of a particle state from the EU is un antecedented and in that respectfore the semipolitical consequences be app atomic number 18nt to be considerable and prolonged, not only for Britain only if for the European marriage ceremony as a whole (Hobolt 2016). joined dry land release the European Union would switch how EU institutions operate not just during the withdrawal period, but excessively afterwards. The long-term impacts be heretofore uncertain, the process of Brexit takes many years and the full consequences depart not be known for a long time. It is only practicab le to examine likely scenarios. It would most likely affect the European Unions populace(prenominal) component and the offset of male monarch among member states and therefore the policies that the EU would pursue. It would excessively veer the resources upon which the EU could draw (Patel, Reh 2016). In addition to that, Brexit will in all likelihood encourage populist, anti- immigration and Eurosceptic forces around Europe and that in turn, in the worst bailiwick scenario, could eventually create an unravelling of the European Union. Britain is one country among 28, but it is excessively 15 per cent of the European economy and an eighth of its population. British g all overnments swallow also been centrally involved in EUs surfaceside and security form _or_ system of government. Therefore, there is a lot at stake and Britain leaving the European Union is not only a turning signalise for Britain but also for the extraneous policy of the EU (Raines 2016). Brexit co uld also alter the relations amidst the EU and U.S. since the U.S. considers UK as a bridge amongst themselves and the Continental Europe. Brexit certainly has serious impacts on the foreign policy of the EU and could by chance even create a rupture in Europe. On the new(prenominal) hand, Brexit could be an opportunity for the European Union to show that they can deal a challenge. It depends how the European Union can handle this maculation. In this essay I am going to analyse the believable and realistic short-term, but brinyly long-term impacts of Brexit on European Union foreign policy and world-wide role and shortly go over how it could impact the relations between the European Union and the unit of measuremented States. Brexit will significantly weaken the EUs global role. For many, the EU is known for the symbol it stands for- salad dressing Europeans together to resolve conflicts and differences collectively. Brexit puts that symbol of international cooperation to t est (Raines 2016). Diplomacy, soft agency and international collaboration are the three key aspects of European Unions foreign policy and its influential powers. Those aspects would be less justly on the World stage without UK, since the UK is EUs one of the most important member states and international star-players (Patel, Reh 2016). Britain has been centrally involved in EUs foreign policy and has contended forward the enlargement of the union, trade loosening and the global fight against climate change. With Brexit, the EU loses a key member state with major strategic, economic and diplomatic abilities. With that the European Union fails to be hypnotic internationally if even its own member do not believe in the EUs ability to promote its model, norms and value any to a greater extent (Weilandt 2017). The EUs influence on the global scale is also decreasing with the parting of major force power in the EU. UK and France are currently the only member states within the EU wit h considerable military power and losing one of them could undermine any time to come development of serious EU military capabilities (Patel, Reh 2016). The European Unions legitimacy has already suffered due to its poor handling of the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis and the refugee situation (Weilandt 2017). Immigration and the refugee crisis, alongside with economic issues, were also one of the key arguments for having the UKs referendum to finalise whether to stay or leave the European Union and fundamental in explaining why the country ultimately pick outd for Brexit (Clarke, Goodwin, Whiteley 2017). Now the question is, whether those concerns are especial(a) for British people or can there be pass judgment similar uprisings against the European Union in other member states (Hobolt 2016). Brexit could tend to cycle of disintegration. Some member states that were touch with their sovereignty already before, with the main concerns rooting from European Unions poor handling th e refugee crisis since 2015, could make up in Britains footsteps, for example, Poland and Hungary (Leonard 2016). There chip in been evidence in studies carried out by MCLaren in 2002 and 2006, along with other studies, that Euroscepticism is closely related to universal hostility and resentment to other cultures, such as unfavourable learning ability towards im un beatt conducts and minority groups (Hobolt 2016). In addition to diminishing the EU on the world stage, brexit could therefore encourage and strengthen Euroscepticism, anti-immigration and anti-democratic forces in Europe who would adjudicate to re look at their countrys membership with the European Union or at least some rearrangement of their relations and conditions with the EU (Patel, Reh 2016).Although referendums on whether to leave the EU or not, are possible, given the pressure from rising populist parties, it is withal not very likely. Most mainstream parties in Western Europe are pro-EU. The Eurosceptic p arties would need to form a coalition with the pro-EU parties to gain office and drawing a parliamentary majority in order to call a referendum on EU membership. Even the most successful populist parties in Western Europe, such as the Danish Peoples society and the Dutch and Austrian Freedom Parties would find it quite difficult to turn a parliamentary majority to, in turn, call in a vote on the matter of the EU membership. While EU referendums are not very likely in other member states, the compound of populist Eurosceptic parties nevertheless pose a serious challenge to the European Union (Hobolt 2016).There is a growing Euroscepticism in Europe after the Eurozone and migrant crises, nevertheless, opinion polls since 2012 befool persistently shown that Britain is rather the exception than the chance when it comes to post for leaving the European Union (Hobolt 2016).Yet, it cannot be said that Brexit vote is uniquely a British phenomenon, it indicates the same conceptions th at stimulate increases in support for populist Eurosceptic parties across the Europe in recent years, especially in the outcome of the Eurozone and migrant crises. Concerns about immigration and the diminishing national identity element in a globalized world are electrostatic growing in Europe, beyond Britain. (Hobolt 2016).Better safe than sorry and European Union would simmer down urgency to rule out any chance for a Brexit eye mask effect and therefore will make it difficult for Britain to leave the EU, avoiding the precedent of easy withdrawal, so other member states would not even think about leaving the European Union (Patel, Renwick 2016). Germany and France might even push for more immigrant and integrations in Europe to show unity (Patel, Reh 2016). The EU tends to spend further integration as a solution crises, this has well been present by the Eurozone crisis and those surrounding the Schengen area (Oliver, Williams 2016). This attempt to push for even more integra tion in Europe in order to demonstrate unity, could set off a counter reaction from member states that have a Eurosceptic parties and target to even more Euroscepticism in Europe, based on the studies mentioned before. As has Donald Dusk, President of the European Council said Obsessed with the idea of instant and total integration, we failed to notice that cut-and-dried people, the citizens of Europe, do not share our Euro-enthusiasm(Grant 2016). It should be disturbing that many voters across Europe see European Union as part of the problem rather than a solution when it comes to protecting the ordinary citizens from the troubles of an even more globalised and integrated world (Hobolt 2016). Brexit would very likely change the balance of power within the European Union and therefore also the policies that the EU could draw (Patel, Reh 2016). It is argued that Brexit could strengthen the position of Germany, shift alliances and possibly also either strengthen or weaken small st ates. Until this point, Germany has already indomitable the EUs response on past issues such as the Eurozone crisis, refugees and the war on in Ukraine (Grant 2016). The departure of the UK could further reassure Germanys position, since UK has often served as a critical counterweight. This could lead to many smaller member states worrying about German domination (Patel, Reh 2016). Some analysts have noted that without the UK, Germany would be expected to subsidize more to European defense team and security also. This would be an undesirable position and responsibility for Germany. It has also been argued that that with the Europes other dominant powers, France, Spain and Italy, in either decline or political unrest, Germany unavoidably the UK to help it lead the European Union (Patel, Renwick 2016). Although Germany needs UK to co-lead the European Union and they have been quite keen to keep the UK in the EU, they have also made it clear that this goal is not act at all represe nts- particularly not at a cost that weakens the concept of European integration (Oliver, Williams 2016). Brexit could also change the relations between the European Union and the building blocked States. Many Americans believe that having one of United States closest allies in the EU aligns it more closely with U.S. foreign policy aspirations and the U.S. saw the UK as a bridge between themselves and continental Europe (Grant 2016). UK has helped move the European Union toward shared U.S. foreign policy aims before, for example as the Atlantic Councils Frances Burwell points to the EU setting sanctions on Iran for its nuclear program and on Russia for Moscows takeover of Crimea. Although it is argued that Brexit would likely have a little impact on the EU-US relations since U.S. and UK would still be both members of NATO. While historically Britain has been the leader of the Antlanticism, support for a close relationship between Western Europe and the U.S., in Europe, there is no reason why another big EU member state could not play this part. Indeed, the United States has already started to look to other states, particularly Germany for an ally, and France for military leadership in Europe (Oliver, Williams 2016).The loss of European Unions key member states with major strategic, economic, diplomatic and military capabilities will be a serious setback to the EUs position and paper, alongside with its international influential powers. Brexit is a momentous event in the history of EU, and because this is situation is unprecedented in Europe, the impacts are uncertain. Nevertheless, the consequences will most likely be substantial and prolonged in the EUs policy and foreign policy. Firstly, Brexit will weaken the global role of the European Union signifantly. EU is no longer sufficiently attractive if even one of its own members do not believe in the norms and values set out by the model of international cooperation that is the European Union. This puts the E Us symbolic meaning into question- is the EU still a model for the future of international cooperation? From here could the unravelling of the EU begin. Brexit emboldens anti-immigration and Eurosceptic forces across Europe. The reputation of EU has already decreased after the poor handling of the Eurozone and immigration crises. Immigration issues were the key to the UKs referendum and has got many other member states concerned as well. There is a rising mistrust in the Union and although referendums on the EU membership in other member states is unlikely, the EU should be concerned with the rising populist and Eurosceptic forces. Even though referendums are not very likely, some member states could at least seek some reconfiguration of the conditions and terms with the European Union. Naturally the EU would want to forestall any Brexit Domino effects and therefore make the conditions of leaving possibly difficult for the UK, not willing to make many concessions. The Brexit negoti ations will be long and complex. As a result of Brexit, the EU might want to push for more integration among the member states, to show unity, led by Germany and France. But this attempt could a counter reaction and lead to even more Eurosceptisim in Europe. Brexit will also change the balance of power between the member states. This could go in many possible directions but it is very plausible that the Brexit will strengthen the position of Germany, or rather- further reassure Germanys position, Germany has already determined the EUs response on past issues. Germanys dominant position could have many smaller states worried, since until now the UK has served as a critical counterweight to Germany. BibliographyClarke, D. H., Goodwin, M., Whiteley, P. (2017) BREXIT Why Britain Voted to Leave the European Union. Cambridge Cambridge University PressDaianu, D. (2016) One crisis after another How the EU can deal with Brexit. The European Council on Foreign dealing online 7 July. Availabl e from 13 November 2017Grant, C. (2016) The impact of Brexit on the EU. Centre for European mitigate online 24 June. Available from 13 November 2017Hazell, R., Renwick, A. (2016) Brexit Its Consequences for Devolution and the Union. 19 May 2016 UCL authorship Unit apprize Paper (online). Available from 12 November 2017 Hobolt, B. 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